Looming
War and Peace Movement in Korea over the 'North Korean' Nuclear
Crisis
Sun-Song Park(Dongguk University, ROK)
Francis D. Lee(PSPD, ROK)
1. Global hegemonic strategy of the US in the twenty-first
century and the 'post-911 system'
For Adam Smith, who advocated a peaceful international economic
order based on free trade, there were two factors endangering
peace of humanity, capricious ambition of politicians and
impertinent rapacity of merchants (An Inquiry into the Nature
and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 1776). The two desires
often clash with each other, but also unite to produce bigger
evil. In colonial plunder of the mercantilist era and world
wars of the imperialist era, we see how politicians' ambition
and merchants' rapacity converge to produce lethal effects
to humanity.
Today we know that Adam Smith's vision of a world peace
based on free trade is an illusion. But he still rings a bell
to us by his attention to the two factors that threaten peace
of the modern societies. He was a liberal supporting capitalism,
but his critique of mercantilism still comes to us valid when
we focus on today's fundamental threat to civilizations. It
is because the old mercantilist creed, 'Impoverish your neighbors
and you shall thrive', has been revived in the work of today's
global capitalism governed by 'light-speed' financial capital.
It is also because we see the old alliance between absolute
monarchs and monopoly merchants revived in today's global
setting. The global capitalism of the late twentieth and early
twenty-first centuries is a new-but-old capitalism as such,
based on the familiar globalization of poverty.
The United States is the sole global hegemon that governs
this new-but-old capitalism. But it is constantly anxious
because it is solitary. The National Security Strategy adopted
by the Bush administration, announced in September 2002, shows
its anxiety very well. For the U.S. the anxiety comes from
all directions, from the EU now reaching almost an equal economic
size as that of the U.S., and from France and Germany gaining
higher productivity than the U.S, as well as from China sustaining
current economic growth to exceed the U.S. in economic capacity
in about 20 years. Washington's anxiety over its weakening
economic hegemony is constantly driving itself towards military
hegemony.
Possessing almost half of the global military power, the
U.S. tends to back up threatened economic domination with
its superiority in military power. Again we see a merge of
politician's ambition and merchant's rapacity. Indeed, most
of the senior officials in the Bush administration are closely
connected to petroleum and defense industries. Politics in
Washington is currently governed by merchants of death.
This is why the U.S. started to threaten Iraq and North
Korea with war. Control over Iraq is a must for the U.S. for
the world's second largest reserve of oil is a life-and-death
resource for the "American way of life". Control over North
Korea is a must for the U.S. for its nuclear program will
jeopardize the U.S. East Asian strategy - continued unilateral
control over the region to check China.
Political and economic analyses do not stand without an
understanding of social psychology. We understand the shock
with which Americans have had to endure since the 9-11 terror.
The 9-11 terrorist attack surpassed all anticipations of terrorism
and was a shock to all peace-loving people around the world.
But, the barbarism of the 9-11 terrorist act also invoked
its own kind in human nature into full life among many Americans.
Rather than trying to decipher deeper implications of the
9-11 terror, the American leadership thrived on and tried
to cram the terror-stricken mentality of the public with war
drums. It seems that they still fail to see how threats are
produced through economic inequality and political injustice
inherent in the global order established in the late twentieth
century. They still fail to see the potential threats springing
about from the technological and industrial rush.
The U.S. rests at the center of this contradictory progress
of civilization that humanity has created in the twentieth
century. The 9-11 tragedy compels us to shift our paradigm
of civilization and progress, if we want to avoid its repetition.
However, the American society is still sadly captured in the
terror and shock, while the rulers are exploiting this mentality
to justify its war interest. Exploiting the shock situation,
the Bush administration is forcing the entire world to accept
its simplistic good-or-evil belief, in denouncing Iraq, North
Korea and Iran as "the axis of evil" in 2002 and as "outlawed
nations" in 2003. To this commandment, however, the world
replied with a huge "No!" along with massive 10 million's
march on 15 February this year.
2. Background and development of nuclear crisis in Korea
Recently we are also forced to face a nuclear crisis - a
crisis that looks Korean but inviting Japan and many others
as key actors. I define the current crisis a nuclear crisis
in the Korean peninsula, not as 'North Korean nuclear crisis'.
Even though the alleged nuclear weapons program by North Korea
lies at the center of the crisis, it is not wholly or exclusively
constitutive to the crisis. The current crisis is a war crisis
that threatens to provoke a nuclear warfare involving both
the use of nuclear weapons by the U.S. forces and the dreadful
devastation of nuclear power plants in South Korea (now 16
plants in operation).
Since the Korean Summit in June 2000, two Koreas have steadily
worked towards peace despite several domestic and international
obstacles. The nuclear crisis is now going beyond hampering
this reconciliatory process to directly jeopardizing the basic
survival of people. In autumn 2002, the first work was started
to re-connect railways between North and South Korea and the
successful North Korea-Japan summit in September 2002 promised
a due process of diplomatic normalization between the two
countries. In the same month, American special envoy visited
Pyongyang, as if to add to the growing regional mood of negotiation.
However, the U.S. envoy's visit to North Korea turned out
to contradict expectations for new negotiations. Washington
unilaterally announced that North Korea admitted to the envoy
of its nuclear weapons program, and demanded North Korea to
scrap the program immediately. With this announcement, North
Korea's nuclear program resurfaced at the top agenda for peace
in the Korean peninsula from the ruins of the Agreed Framework
signed by the two countries in 1994. Also with this announcement,
the whole process of reconciliation and peace between two
Koreas was put to a sudden danger. The current nuclear crisis
in Korea is a by-product of the strategic acts of the U.S.
Since the start of the 'War on Terror', the U.S. has placed
North Korea within its simplistic frame of good or evil, and
exaggerated North Korean threat to the U.S. and global security
as a component of the war on terrorism. Combined with the
Bush administration's problematic unilateralism, the war on
terrorism has often been mixed up with the administration's
need to justify the hegemonic strategy of the U.S. over control
and resources. The joint communique between the two countries,
signed in October 2000, was also nullified in the process,
grounding the possibility of bilateral diplomatic development
to zero. Understandably, more people began to interpret the
events as a U.S. move to check the developments of peaceful
process between two Koreas and between North Korea and Japan
in order to sustain the U.S. unilateral control of the region.
Confronting the sole global hegemon all by itself, North
Korea tends to return to a simple view of the global order
and the nation's survival - that bargaining with the U.S.
will alone guarantee its security. For two years, North Korea
tried hard for diplomatic opening and normalization with the
western nations except the U.S. This was its most recent effort
to get integrated to the international community, only until
North Korean leadership realized its impossibility as long
as Washington says no. The attitude of Bush towards Pyongyang
confirmed this - without confronting the U.S. in one way or
another, there is no normalization, and North Koreans decided
to confront it, fully and decisively. The irony is that this
confrontational turn on the part of North Korea has become
the biggest threat to its own survival. We oppose both North
Korea's and the U.S. extreme stance to each other.
Since the envoy's visit, Washington and Pyongyang began
to step up counter-threat measures to each other. On 17 September
2002 Washington demanded Pyongyang to abandon nuclear programs;
on 25 the same month, Pyongyang proposed a non-aggression
treaty between the two nations; on 15 November the same year,
Washington decided to stop providing heavy oil for energy
to Pyongyang; on 29 the same month, the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) called for North Korea's abandonment
of the nuclear program; in December the same year, Washington
seized a North Korean ship carrying missiles to Yemen but
later released it; from 12 December the same year, Pyongyang
removed nuclear freeze measures by IAEA and expelled the IAEA's
monitor equipments and agents; on 6 January 2003, the IAEA
demanded North Korea to reinstate the freeze measures; on
10 the same month, North Korea announced its decision to secede
from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty; on 13 February
this year, the IAEA decided to bring North Korea's case to
the U.N. Security Council; the same day North Korea claimed
that it could target and strike anything in the world that
belongs to the U.S.; and on 19 the same month, North Korea's
issue has been presented to the experts' committee of the
U.N. Security Council. The chain of events has elevated the
North Korea's nuclear issue to the status of a direct threat
to peace in Korea and its surrounding region. The winter of
2002 in Korea witnessed both a significant political process
of electing a new president and a breath-taking slide into
a dreadful crisis at the same time.
The new government-to-be led by Roh Moo-hyun has been concentrating
its energy to resolve the current crisis by peaceful means.
Among other approaches from many angles, South Korea is now
trying to persuade the Bush administration with its own mediation
plan. This plan includes North Korea's pledge to abandon all
nuclear programs and the U.S. resolving North Korea's security
concerns by a written assurance. Neighboring countries like
Russia is also trying hard to mediate. But, the very starting
point for diplomatic solution, which is North Korea-U.S. talk,
is not yet forthcoming. While South Korea made it clear that
war is not an option, the U.S. made it equally clear that
it is one. To counter hawkish stance of Washington, Pyongyang
announced its alleged capability to strike worldwide American
properties. As the two adversaries are obsessed with mistrust
of each other and readiness to counteract, tensions keep on
rising. Peace efforts by South Korea and neighboring countries
have not produced tangible results yet.
3. Korea's nuclear crisis and civil society in South Korea
The current nuclear crisis in Korea is already a threat
to the lives of Koreans. We remember too well that the North
Korea-U.S. conflict of 1993~4 drove the two countries to the
brink of war. We are short of wits to think the current 2003
conflict is less serious. The fortunate difference of the
current time is that civil society in South Korea has matured
enough to commit itself for peace building and that the South
Korean government is actively initiating peaceful paths to
resolution along with involvement of a several concerned countries.
However, there are still three sensitive areas of debate.
First, how do majority of the civil society actors view
the alleged nuclear program of North Korea? The two Koreas
have already agreed on a denuclearization principle in January
1992. The expected outcome of North Korea's nuclear program
would be too negative. Any nuclear weapons program or deployment
in Korea will intensify regional arms race and disable security
cooperation. It would make Koreans impossible to think of
reunification when there is little regional security cooperation.
Intensified arms race will put South Korea more dependent
and subordinate to the U.S. and obstruct economic development
of Korea as a whole. North Korea will eventually pass through
a short-term security towards facing bigger threat to its
existence. We know very well that development of nuclear weapons
is an evidence of waste of national power and lack of national
vision. This is why we should oppose any nuclear weapons program
or deployment in Korea, as well as in any other regions.
Secondly, is there a war possibility in Korea? We think
the number one danger in Northeast Asia is the lack of communication
combined with deepening mistrust among the stakeholders. Misunderstanding
and mistrust can bring a society to destruction when concerned
states and international institutions fail to transform the
deadly lock. We are not only concerned about escalating suspicion
between North Korea and the U.S. Better understanding and
mutual trust between North and South Koreas and between South
Korea and the U.S. are also vital for resolving the current
conflict. In this respect, South Korea should be able to listen
and gain trust from its neighboring countries if it wants
to play a key mediator. When South Korea becomes a trusted
mediator in the region, the awaited North Korea-U.S. talks
will begin. This will be the beginning point of extinguishing
war drums. In this regard, civil society groups in South Korea
are keen on support for peaceful settlement of the crisis
from the neighboring countries, Japan in particular. We are
particularly worried that the Japanese government recently
disclosed its intention to consider military actions when
North Korea goes ahead with a missile test launch. We are
concerned that such a move would only aggravate the already
tense situation of the region. We appeal that people in Japan
come out more clearly and strongly with its stance against
military solution for the current crisis. Voices of peace
from South Korea and Japan are vital because of their hosting
of the U.S. forces.
Third, how can we rethink about and re-understand North
Korea? We believe this is a tremendously important step for
a peaceful resolution of the crisis. Obviously, it is remarkably
difficult to get away from long-standing bias against North
Korea, but there are still many plain facts that demand little
analysis but more common sense. North Korea has gone through
a devastating economic crisis in the mid-1990s. Its effects
are still felt and the society as a whole is still unstable.
Even without the nuclear crisis, North Korea poses a huge
problem for stability of the region because of its on-going
economic crisis. What sustains North Korea's harsh stance
towards the U.S. is not some inborn antagonism towards Americans,
but a despair of no-exit situation. Pressure to North Korea
will only return damaging results to the actor, let alone
desired effects. It is messages of security provision and
economic assistance that will bring North Korea a conviction
to come out to the international community.
People in South Korea had two great lessons in 2002. We
enjoyed the fun of festival through the World-Cup football
games in June and since November engraved the value of peace
to our hearts through candlelight vigils. When two American
servicemen responsible for the killing of two young Korean
girls were acquitted from a sham military trial, we saw huge
darkness - repeated violence against human conscience in the
name of security and alliance. Then candlelight vigil was
proposed by a few young netizens, and it soon became a massive
flood of peace marches. We felt, wept and discussed in a free
collectivity at the same place as in June, the festive center
of Seoul. And we learned peace would be the festival of all
festivals. This was a great social learning. This awakening
brightened up the presidential election in December, and made
democratic and peace-loving groups come together very strongly.
They have succeeded in bringing the power to a candidate who
valued principles and dialogues. Now a lot of people and a
lot of social groups are ready to go further - take power
from wrong hands and give it back to people in order to expand
democracy to the daily life-world and expand peace to the
whole Korea and to the region.
4. Let us work together
Peace movements in South Korea are still in their early
stage. Korean society has been more familiar with war than
with peace. In the past Koreans supported national liberation
wars against colonial rule and committed themselves into self-destruction
in the name of national unification. But, now no war will
be supported or considered affordable in Korea. We are equally
opposed to wars in any where in the world, in the sense that
military action is by itself a confession of civilization's
failure - failure to place understanding and tolerance as
working principles. Today's war threats from Washington, whether
for Iraq or for Korea, is an open confession that the world
needs a better manager.
Civil society actors in South Korea know very well that
peace in Korea and peace in Northeast Asia can only go together.
Without "Northeast Asian Common House" (proposed by Wada Haruki),
there is no peace or reunification in Korea. This is where
the current candlelight protests in South Korea stand and
what they stand for - they cannot be simply viewed as anti-U.S.
actions trying to remove the U.S. forces from Korea. The candlelight
protests represent a voice to rethink and reformulate- rethink
and reformulate the U.S. role in the region towards peace
building and rethink and reformulate the Japan-Korea relationship
for the same end. For this we need to rethink of the Cold-War
order in the region since 1945, whether or how each actor
contributed to peace building or hegemonic domination. The
candlelight protests are a sign of the time demanding a new,
non-hegemonic role for the U.S. in the region. They are a
new, popular peace movement calling for a community of cooperation
and mutual recognition in our region that does away with mutual
demonization.
The understanding of the Other in place of demonization,
cooperation and assistance in place of arrogance and domination,
neighborhood in place of loyalty and alliance, compassion
in place of masculine show-off of power - aren't these what
we believe as wiser, more humane, and more democratic? Aren't
these what majority of humanity still believes in? With this
spirit, we call for more confidence, more understanding and
more solidarity among all of us, for a huge beginning has
just started that connects Korean, Japanese and all other
peace movements into an irreversible flood.
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