Gensuikyo 2010 Action Plan

82st National Board Meeting, February 6-7, 2010

I. Changes and Our Tasks on the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons

In April 2009, U.S. President Obama declared that as the only nuclear power to have used a nuclear weapon, the United States had “a moral responsibility to act” and would “seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons”. Also, Russian President Medvedev stated in his letter to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva that he fully agreed on the idea of a nuclear weapon-free world”, another proof of a growing trend of setting the goal of nuclear abolition in international politics.

The G8 L’Aquila Summit held in Italy in July 2009 agreed on “creating the conditions for a world without nuclear weapons”, followed in September by the very first Security Council Summit on nuclear issues in the U.N. history that adopted Resolution 1887 which said, “resolving…to create the conditions for a world without nuclear weapons.”

This trend reflects the development during the first decade of the 21st century as the result of people’s actions worldwide for political changes since the May 2000 NPT Review Conference, which agreed on the elimination of nuclear weapons. They challenged nuclear threats and first strike wars in the wake of the emergence of the Bush administration that launched attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq.

At the same time, more recent developments of the world point out to the fact that the “nuclear deterrence”, a core doctrine of nuclear arms race during the Cold War era, is now an obstacle to be overcome for realizing “a world without nuclear weapons.”

U.S. President Obama stated in his Prague speech that the nuclear weapons-free world “will not be reached … in my lifetime” and “[a]s long as these weapons exist, the United States will maintain a safe, secure and effective arsenal to deter any adversary.” Later in November while visiting Japan, however, President Obama rephrased his statement and changed his stance to retain the nuclear deterrence, saying that the U.S. would maintain strong and effective nuclear deterrence to ensure security of its allies, including South Korea and Japan.

In the ongoing negotiations between the U.S. and Russia on a new treaty to reduce strategic nuclear arms, although the two countries confirmed the stance of seeking “a world without nuclear weapons”, the agreed goal is merely to limit their respective strategic arms between 1500 and 1675 warheads, and their delivery vehicles between 500 and 1000. Reduction should be welcomed, but a danger of human extinction is to continue with their combined strategic arms totaling more than 3000, even after the treaty is concluded and implemented.

In a realm of the “War on Terrorism”, President Obama has escalated military actions over the past year, including the deployment of troops threefold to the level of 100,000 in Afghanistan, expansion of drone attacks on territories in the neighboring Pakistan, and missile attacks in Yemen.

On January 19, the four horsemen, Shultz, Perry, Kissinger and Sam Nunn, released their new article in the Wall Street Journal. Alerting on a possibility that nuclear weapons “could fall into dangerous hands”, they supported the report of the Strategic Posture Commission and called for more budget to be allocated to nuclear weapons infrastructure and modernization of nuclear weapons. And the U.S. Department of Defense’s “Quadrennial Defense Review” released on February 1 clearly stated, “[u]ntil such time as the Administration’s goal of a world free of nuclear weapons is achieved, nuclear capabilities will be maintained as a core mission for the Department of Defense.”

But in reality, modernization of nuclear arms or “nuclear deterrence” is totally irrelevant to preventing terrorism. After all, the idea that “reliance on nuclear weapons” for “deterrence” is not only “losing its effectiveness” but is hazardous, is what these four senior U.S. officials has claimed in their previous statements. If nuclear weapons are facing “the risk of falling into the hands of terrorists”, an international agreement for a total ban on nuclear weapons is what needs to be achieved all the more urgently.

The death toll and casualties of civilians by military actions conducted in the name of eradicating terrorism have become immeasurable. We should firmly demand a cessation of the so-called “War on Terrorism”, withdrawal of foreign troops from Iraq and Afghanistan and respect of sovereignty of these countries, while we must work to build much stronger public opinion demanding an agreement on a total ban on nuclear weapons.

II. As the only nation to have suffered nuclear attacks, the Japanese government should propose a total ban on nuclear weapons

The anti-people politics by the LDP-Komeito coalition government faced severe judgment in the general election. The newly elected Prime Minister Hatoyama stated in the U.N. Security Council Summit that Japan, as “the only country to have suffered atomic bombs attack, has chosen the path without nuclear weapons and that the country will take a lead in making the effort to abolish nuclear weapons while firmly defending the Three Non-nuclear Principles.”

In addition, Foreign Minister Okada ordered the Ministry to investigate on the issue of secret nuclear agreement with the U.S.. Moreover, concerning the press report that under Aso administration Japanese diplomatic authorities asked the United States for maintaining nuclear Tomahawk missiles and possession of Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator (RNEP), Okada announced that he sent a letter to Secretary of State Clinton, in which he said, “it is clearly different from my idea of aiming nuclear disarmament”. Also in his foreign policy speech in January, he expressed his intension to negotiate with the United States on the renunciation of the use of nuclear weapons on the non-nuclear weapon states and to limit the role of nuclear weapons to deterrent against adversary’s use of nuclear weapons. These official stances show a different attitude from that of the LDP-Komeito coalition government.

But equally important to note is that the coalition government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, regarding the U.S.-Japan alliance involving peace and security of Japan and the East Asia and on the U.S. “nuclear umbrella”, inherits and continues to “deepen” the approach taken by the previous LDP-Komeito coalition government. Indeed, Prime Minister Hatoyama stated during Obama’s visit to Japan in November that “the alliance with the United States is the crucial cornerstone of the Japanese diplomacy”, and that “the idea of an East Asian Community also needs the U.S.-Japan alliance as its very axis.” In January, at the 50th anniversary of the revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, instead of reviewing the U.S.-Japan alliance, which has become the root-cause of threatening Japan’s sovereignty and security, he hammered out a policy to “deepen” the alliance, including the “extended deterrence” and the missile defense. Foreign Minister Okada also in his foreign policy speech expressed his understanding of the U.S. military forces in Japan as the “deterrent power to ensure the security of Japan.”

All these are posing serious restrictions for implementing what Prime Minister Hatoyama has declared -- that Japan “will take a lead in making the effort to abolish nuclear weapons”. As a matter of fact, during the U.N. sessions on disarmament last autumn, the Japanese government did not call for a ban on nuclear weapons at all, and abstained from voting the Malaysian resolution which demanded a start of negotiations for a treaty to ban nuclear weapons, describing the resolution as “premature”. Similarly, it abstained from a proposal for a treaty to prohibit the use of nuclear weapons as well.

With the NPT Review Conference only a few months ahead, Gensuikyo demands that the Japanese government propose a total ban on nuclear weapons in order to play its due role as the only country to have suffered nuclear attacks.

The adherence to the U.S.-Japan alliance and the “nuclear deterrence” is also posing serious obstacles to solving the problems of U.S. bases in Japan. Over the problem of the Futenma Airfield in Okinawa, Prime Minister Hatoyama is still unable to decide which path to take even after the decisive “NO” was expressed by the citizens of Nago in the mayoral election, although Hatoyama promised to announce his intention “based on Nago’s election result”.

In order to live up to people’s desire for peace and security, we need to enhance public opinion to urge the Japanese government to confirm its position for a total ban on nuclear weapons and to seek a nuclear-free peace diplomacy based on the Constitution and the Three Non-nuclear Principles. Toward the NPT Review Conference, the national election in July, and the 2010 World Conference against A & H Bombs marking the 65th anniversary of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki atomic bombings, let us work together with our full strength in our campaigns.

III. Major current of nuclear weapons abolition to move the world forward

During the past year with the NPT Review Conference close at hand, we have witnessed steady progress in the current of nuclear disarmament.

In the Annual DPI/NGO Conference last September, Jody Williams, Nobel Peace Prize laureate for the International Campaign to Ban Landmine (ICBL), made a speech on behalf of the organizers, in which she called for launching negotiations for “an international convention that completely bans the use, production, trade and stockpiling of nuclear weapons for all time.” And U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, while referring to a nuclear weapons convention called for the implementation of the NPT obligations to negotiate on steps toward nuclear reduction and elimination. The conference adopted a resolution by the unanimous support of the participants, which was sent to the U.N. Security Council Summit. It urged the NPT Review Conference to “reaffirm and strengthen commitments to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons and concurrently to prevent their spread” and to “Promptly commence negotiations on a convention prohibiting and eliminating nuclear weapons globally within an agreed, time-bound framework.”

In the U.N. General Assembly session last autumn, Malaysia and other countries again submitted the draft resolution calling for the start of negotiations for a nuclear weapons convention. The First Committee adopted it with the support of 121 countries, and the General Assembly in December saw 124 countries in favor. What is remarkable here is that along with China, the nuclear weapons state, India, Pakistan and North Korea that stayed outside of the framework of the NPT voted in favor of the resolution. At this moment, given the fact that 184 “non-nuclear weapons states” among the 189 States parties to the NPT place on themselves the treaty obligation of not developing or acquiring nuclear weapons, it is clear that the “conditions for a world without nuclear weapons” have already been created. If the five nuclear weapons states decide to do so, it is quite possible to start the real work to totally ban all nuclear weapons at any moment.

The most encouraging development in the past year toward achieving a nuclear weapon-free world is the fact that in solidarity with the worldwide movements, Japan has achieved 3.5 million people’s signatures to the appeal “For A Nuclear Weapon-Free World” calling for a start of negotiations on a convention to ban and eliminate nuclear weapons, including the signatures from one-third of heads of local municipalities across the country (as of January 31). This signature campaign is encouraging the movements in other parts of the world, including the U.S., the U.K., and France. Looking to the NPT Review Conference in May and afterwards, we must make this campaign successful to unite the anti-nuclear public opinion of the A-bombed nation, which is important also from the international perspective.

IV. Toward NPT and NY Action: Achieving 12 million signatures, let us create great surge for nuclear abolition

　　The NPT Review Conference will be held from May 3 to 28 at the U.N. Headquarters in New York. Gensuikyo will work for making this conference mark a decisive turn for a total ban on nuclear weapons, in collaboration with all the national governments, public institutions and movements working for the nuclear abolition. Also, through the collection of 12 million signatures for the appeal “For a Nuclear Weapon-Free World”, activities targeting as well as during the NPT, Gensuikyo will do its best to further enhance the public support to demand a total ban on nuclear weapons both internationally and among the Japanese people.

1) We will dedicate ourselves to achieving the target of collecting 12 million signatures on the appeal “For a Nuclear Weapon-Free World” by May 28, the closing day of the NPT Review Conference in solidarity with all Japanese and international movements upholding the common goal of banning and abolishing nuclear weapons. All organizations under the umbrella of Gensuikyo and prefectural and local Gensuikyos should set out their respective deadlines, plans and strategies to achieve their goal, and start their activities with the NPT/NY delegates taking leadership. Also, special organizational setups for issuing newsletters and rallying the result of signature collections are encouraged. By March 16, the day of shipment of the signatures to New York, we will achieve at least 6 million signatures and move further forward. In all these activities, we would put a special emphasis on the Monthly 6 and 9 Day Actions, making them the nationwide joint action days to strengthen the basis of the movement for further development. Learning from progressive achievements in Tokushima Prefecture, Miyakonojo City and by the New Japan Women’s Association, we would expand the scope of our cooperation with broader range of people, including various communities in different fields, prefectural offices, local communities and neighborhood associations or residents unions. We must achieve the collection of signatures from more than half of all the mayors of local municipalities, and aim at even greater number. For the submission of the signatures and demonstration in New York, preparations must start for creating paper cranes, tapestries by the New Japan Women’s Association and for the A-bomb exhibitions.

Success should be achieved in all the undertakings during NPT Review Conference, including the international Peace Conference (April 30 to May 1), March and Rally in New York and the submission of signatures (May 2), a symposium for a world without nuclear weapons (Gensuikyo Delegation’s meeting, May 3), observing the deliberations at the NPT Review Conference and visits/dialogues with the missions of various national governments (the policy and action plan of the Gensuikyo delegation is to be proposed later). In addition, we will plan and propose nationwide actions in Japan in response to the “International Day of Action for a Nuclear Weapon-Free World” of May 2 in New York.

2) Based on the result of the 12 million signature campaign and with those of the mayors of local municipalities, Gensuikyo will petition the Japanese government and hold a press conference at an appropriate time (around March 16, the shipment day of signatures).

3) At the eve of the start of the NPT Review Conference, Gensuikyo will send a letter of proposal to the 193 states, both all the states parties to the NPT and 4 states outside the NPT, focusing on our demand for early start of negotiations on a treaty for a total ban on nuclear weapons.

V. Toward success of March 1 Bikini Day, Nationwide Peace March and the 2010 World Conference against A & H Bombs

1) We will bring a success to March 1 Bikini Day rally as a forum for nationwide exchange and consolidation of activities for achieving the target of 12 million signatures and the success of the New York action, as well as the launching event of the campaign for the 2010 World Conference against A & H Bombs.

2) The 2010 Nationwide Peace March, starting from Tokyo on the fourth day of the NPT Review Conference, will continue throughout the period of the Conference. To powerfully deliver our message for nuclear weapons abolition from the only A-bombed country to the NPT Review Conference itself and all participating states and NGOs, we are determined to make the Peace March on all the major routes more successful than ever with broader participation of people, including the starting ceremony of the Tokyo-Hiroshima course at Yumenoshima on May 6. The March will aim at covering all of the 1800 local municipalities. We will call for cooperation and support from broad range of institutions, including local authorities, various organizations, temples and churches in local communities. Our effort to collect 12 million signatures on the “Appeal for a Nuclear Weapon-Free World” will run through until the last day of the NPT Review Conference on May 28, and still continue during the Peace March as an extended signature campaign aiming at a total ban and elimination of nuclear weapons (minimum revisions should be made, including where to be submitted).

3) The 2010 World Conference against A & H Bombs, to be held in the wake of the NPT Review Conference will be a significant meeting as a new starting point in our campaign to create and expand the international wave of movements to achieve a total ban on nuclear weapons. Having our sights set on the next decade of the 21st century, we will further develop joint effort and cooperation with national governments, official institutions, anti-nuclear peace movements and grass-root actions. Further, as a conference to protect the lives of future generations and nurture their hopes, the role and participation of the youth should be promoted more, and we will give support for a success of the “International Youth Rally” held concurrently.

4) The international activities of Japan Gensuikyo as well as the staffing for them should be consolidated to ensure and support the international solidarity in the anti-nuclear movement. While developing international cooperative activities and exchanges, we will seek to achieve an ECOSOC/NGO status at the U.N. and an observer status at the Non-Aligned Movement.

VI. For a nuclear-free and peaceful Japan

1) We demand that the Japanese government, as the government that has sworn to lead the effort to eliminate nuclear weapons and firmly maintain the Three Non-nuclear Principles, should call for a start of negotiations for a treaty to totally ban nuclear weapons; disclose and abandon the secret nuclear agreement with the U.S.; fully implement and enact the Three Non-nuclear Principles, and request mandatory the submission of a proof of non-possession of nuclear arms from foreign warships visiting Japanese ports, following the example of the “Nuclear-Free Kobe Formula.” We oppose any moves to reinforce the Japan-U.S. military alliance linked to the 50th anniversary of the revision of the bilateral treaty. We demand the renunciation of the “security” policies, including the “nuclear deterrence” and “extended deterrence” that rely on the nuclear weapons of the U.S. We call for breaking away from the “nuclear umbrella” and promote nuclear-free and peaceful diplomacy based on Article 9 of the Constitution and the Three Non-nuclear Principles. Now that the abrogation of the secret nuclear agreement and the adherence of the Three Non-nuclear Principles are focal issues of the time, once again we should identify the meaning of the campaign to achieve a nuclear-free declaration in local municipalities, and strengthen the effort to achieve nuclear-free declarations by local assemblies and promote the non-nuclear peace administrations across the country.

2) Opposing the realignment and consolidation of U.S. military bases stationed in Japan, we will strengthen the anti-base movements and campaigns nationwide, including those in Okinawa to remove and reduce U.S. bases and in Yokosuka, Kanagawa, for removing a nuclear aircraft carrier, which puts 30 million citizens in the Tokyo metropolitan area at risk of radiation exposure. We will demand the disclosure of the situation of unrestricted sorties from the U.S. bases in Japan to Afghanistan and Iraq and enhance the public opinion to stop using Japan as the sortie base for the “war on terrorism”. We oppose the dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces of Japan overseas and the adverse revision of the Constitution.

3) We will take active part in and help bring a success to such anti-nuclear and peace undertakings as the 35th anniversary of the nuclear-free “Kobe Formula” on March 20 and the Japan Peace Conference in autumn.

We stand opposed to the dangerous nuclear energy administration, including the reprocessing plant in Rokkasho Village, MOX fuel projects in Genkai, Mihama and other places and waste disposal plans by landfill. We oppose the construction of new nuclear power plants, demand comprehensive check-ups of all nuclear facilities, fundamental review on the nuclear power administration, development of alternative energy resources and phased withdrawal from nuclear energy.